If the other governments of Europe do not trust the people, the people of Ireland do not trust their government. This much has become apparent after the rejection, by a substantial margin, of the proposals of the Lisbon Treaty. It is often said that oppositions do not win elections but that governments lose them. Such was the case with the recent referendum. The 'Yes' side was led by 160 of the TDs in the present Dáil, elected just over a year ago, and supported by the trade unions, business, farmers and, if it did not receive the blessing of the bishops, their lordships also made it clear that they had no objections to the provisions of the Treaty. With all this going for them, how could the 'Yes' side have lost the battle?
For a start, there was complacency, particularly in Fianna Faíl: the soldiers of destiny were hosting their new Taoiseach throughout the midlands and lauding their new Tanaiste in Donegal, and took their eye of the ball, when their opponents were already knocking the doors and putting up the posters. The FF effort was late in getting into the field and when they finally did, they accused their Fine Gael allies of not pulling their weight. They did not endear them to many FG voters, and it is noteworthy that in the Mayo constituency of Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny only about one in three voters supported the Treaty. It did not help for FF posters to feature images of prospective candidates for next year's local government and Euro elections. It looked more like self-promotion than any concern for Ireland's place in the European Union.
The Treaty itself, running to over 200 pages, and referring back to the text of the earlier Nice and Maastricht treaties must have made the punter feel like Groucho Marx in 'A Day at the Races'; where apart from the list of runners, he found he needed a stud book, a trainers book, a jockey's guide and what not. The 'Yes' side could find no simple, single Big Idea to focus upon; the 'No' side was hydra-headed in citing reasons for rejection. In vain did the Taoiseach try to assure voters that major areas such as taxation, neutrality and various aspects of family law had been adequately protected. As well, the No-side had various scores to settle: the rises in the cost of food, petrol and fuel, alongside the credit crunch, the price of mortgages and the slump in the construction industry. These issues were not relevant to EU structures, but they were a stick with which to beat the government. Other refuseniks were sore about the Tara motorway, the smoking ban and the recent hikes in salary which ministers and TDs have been voting themselves. The usual suspects who were out six times before in earlier Euro referendums were joined by various right-wing pressure groups who had an agenda of their own to pursue. It was telling that John Boulton, former US Ambassador to the United Nations urged a 'No' vote, reflecting Uncle Sam's determination to avoid the emergence of a stronger Europe, and a diminution of the NATO alliance.
It was interesting to watch the reaction of the extremist anti-European United Kingdom Independence Party. Members were filmed in Brussels, sitting in a bar, with the Irish Tricolour as a tablecloth, rejoicing gleefully at the setback that the Irish result had inflicted upon the European Union. Tory leader David Cameron was equally jubilant and when he will, in all likelihood, become British Prime Minister in two years time, his priority will be to bring forward a Bill to loosen the UK's association with Europe. That will be passed easily, and if Ireland's difficulties are not resolved by then, we will virtually be back where we started: two offshore islands stuck out on the rim of the continent, marginalised from mainstream Europe and having no company but each other. A British Tory has suggested that Ireland could be invited to join the British Comonwealth. Let us hope he was joking.
In recent years, Ireland has provided a lucrative market for a number of British newspapers which publish an 'Irish' edition, most of which have a rabidly anti-European bias. It would be interesting to learn what influence these newspapers have had upon Irish public opinion. The Irish people would seem to be more interested in marching to a narrow British tune than to a comprehensive European one. If it is to be a choice between Boston and Berlin, it would appear that the latter is the loser.
No one seems to know where Ireland goes from here, vis-a-vis the European Union. Eighteen of the other member states have already ratified the Treaty, and the other eight look likely to do so. Some mainland European ministers have hinted at a two-speed Europe, in their determination that the essence of the Lisbon Treaty will not be abandoned. The best hope for the Irish government is that, over time enough salient aspects of the Treaty can be ratified by the Irish parliament. Ireland was always at its best when acting, in an influential way, and as an equal with its European partners. Robert Emmet stated that his epitaph would not be written until Ireland took its place among the nations of the earth. It would seem that there is still some way to go, when so many display a yearning to turn their backs on the rest of Europe and go back to hiding behind a Green Curtain. The increasing number of migrants into Ireland in recent years was also a factor in the negative reaction.
In evidence, the planning appeal court heard that the plantiff was seeking redress against the building of a boundary wall abutting his property which, he claimed, was an intrusion and an usurpation of his rights, as well as violating his entitlement in the question of ancient lights. He had the support of his neighbours who had signed a petition, as well as having the sympathy of several local district councillors. The local planning authority was unsympathetic, and all representations made to them had fallen upon deaf ears. He was making a final desperate appeal, as all other avenues and approaches had yielded no success for him. "In other words," said the presiding chairman, "he felt he was up against a brick wall."
Local councils in Northern Ireland have been invited to tender for the privilege of dumping nuclear waste within their respective jurisdictions.
Omagh District Council spent years in trying to find a site for dumping ordinary household waste and were lucky to find an abandoned quarry near Aughnacloy, an amenity which it shares with the Dungannon District Council.
When the American President met with the First Minister and Deputy First Minister at Stormont on Monday, it would have been a dry enough meeting, given that all three are teetotallers.
Well, there was a wee Bush...
A new substitute to help smokers quit the habit has gone on the market at a cost of about £70. It is a battery-operated lookalike using a microchip "to vapourise a liquid containing a hint of nicotine". Try explaining that to the bouncers down your local, when you have a few pints up.
